Black History Month serves as a mirror of the political moment, so in what ways can we modernize it?
We are in Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it appears it’s time for a re-evaluation. As time has passed, an event that was initiated as a commemorative event of heritage, traditions and links between international African diaspora communities, has developed a corporate feel, growing to encompass functions where African descendants are compensated to talk to Caucasian groups about hidden biases and “allyship”. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests generated a rise in the enterprise of demonstrating racial awareness. Yet, that phase is now over. The wave has reached its height, producing a diluted aftermath of what promoting consciousness is for.
The History of Black History Month
Originally observed in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was established in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the second week of February. Black History Month grew out of this campaign and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the US and Canada in winter, but also in autumn in the UK, the Federal Republic of Germany, Ireland and the Holland.
The observance has developed since its inception, giving reduced attention to the accounts of the slave trade across the Atlantic and fights for racial justice, and greater focus on influential individuals of color in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the input Black people have made to mold society. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with talks and cultural events. But the manner the month is commemorated is a manifestation of the political moment. How it evolves is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to weakening: the transformation of Black History Month has hindered the purpose of it, which is to address embedded and established prejudice.
A Jarring Moment
Hardly anything shows how important it is to rethink Black History Month as much as the current time in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a reemerging right-wing in the shape of the Reform organization is leading the polls. In the summer we saw the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the UK's past. Kemi Badenoch, the person of color at the helm of the right-wing political group, is a strong critic of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a situation where a elected representative gains confidence to say that the absence of Caucasian individuals in certain urban areas is a cause for alarm. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are growing in the EU as a entirety.
In the US, a massive attack against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been carried, frequently with success, to the top legal institutions of the state. A drive to erase African American heritage and legacy from the archives is under way. One of the political figure's first executive orders targeted the museum of African American legacy, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a “concerted and widespread effort to change the national past” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the celebration illustrates how minimally it can be influential if it is limited to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content commemorations of contributions in the past, rather than challenging the realities of the contemporary world. It also demonstrates how its limited duration means that it is separated from the broader ongoing work that is necessary. A university professor, a prof at a learning establishment, put it best when she voiced worries about the short-term symbolic gestures of the celebration. “The problem with adopting a symbolic stance”, she stated, “is that it often means that Black History Month turns into a brief show rather than a driver of transformation.”
Reconsidering, Not Discarding
Establishing how to alter, change and broaden efforts for fair treatment and appreciation in such moments of dejection and worry is a treacherous thing. There is a urge to just do away with events including Black History Month completely, assuming they are inadequate for current needs, or are remnants of an era that has not worked.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and heritage of activism for racial justice – community-based BLM initiatives, DEI programs, and certainly, even commercial engagements – represent an foundation that a considerable labor has been dedicated to. It is there not only to deteriorate as the politics moves on (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a new dynamic Black History Month appear as? To begin with, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is dispersed across all seasons (as certain organizations are already commencing), sections of its curriculum (particularly around prominent figures of color) integrated into academic syllabi. It would also be a period that does not avoid political issues, and leaves space for people, particularly young people, to air their fears and experiences. What use is simple recognition of the history when it doesn’t reckon with the contemporary truth of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the street? Institutions who observe it should not be comforted with the non-confrontational words of hidden discrimination and awareness of “microaggressions”, but challenged by the threats that impact society if opposition to discrimination is not taken seriously. To summarize, Black History Month should be made current, pressing, and reactive. Perhaps an entire name rebrand is necessary – Black History is Now Month.
